THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: The Porn Addict
We begin our discussion of human sexuality with material on the scientific study of sexual behavior. The data from these studies have helped us to learn about normal sexual function and normal sexual order. This in turn has enabled us, by contrast, to identify sexual dysfunction and sexual disorder.
THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOR The first major contribution to the scientific understanding of human sexual behavior came from the work of Alfred Kinsey and his colleagues (Kinsey et al., 1948, 1953). Acting in the face of societal taboos, they interviewed over 20,000 adult men and women, asking them explicit questions about their sexual practices. They gathered data on sexual intercourse in marriage, homosexuality, masturbation, premarital intercourse, oral sex, and other sexual activities. They looked at patterns of sex at different times oflife, and broke these down by gender, education, religion, and other sociological factors. For example, Kinsey found that masturbation to orgasm was almost universal among men, becoming less frequent with age. He found that women, on the other hand, masturbate less often than men, but that as they become older, they masturbate more frequently than when they were younger.
Kinsey gave us a glimpse into American sexuality. In 1951, Clellan Ford, an anthropologist, and Frank Beach, a psychologist, broadened our knowledge by comparing the sexual behavior of some 190 cultures spread across the world. In addition, they compared cross-cultural human sexual practices to sexual behavior in animals, looking for what was universal and what was specific to a particular culture or species. So, for example, foreplay before intercourse occurs in all cultures and all mammals, but what kindkissing, fondling, oral caresses-varies from culture to culture and species to species (Ford and Beach, 1951).
More recent data on sexual practices and attitudes among Americans have come from a variety of surveys, similar to those pioneered by Kinsey. Among these are Morton Hunt's (1974) study of2,000 sexually liberal and sexually active American men and women, and Paul Rozin's (1978, 1981) surveys of sexual practices of several hundred University of Pennsylvania introductory psychology students over several years in the early 1970s. Although all of these studies have told us much about what people do and how people feel about what they do, they all share some basic problems.
First, consider the nature of the subject. One's sexual behavior is usually a very private matter. Many individuals are unwilling to participate in studies of sexual attitudes and behavior. Because of this, we only know about those who are willing to talk openly. In effect, therefore, these studies were not based on a random sample. Second, the results of these surveys are based on self-reporting about a topic that for some people is private, but for others, offers an opportunity for boasting. Many individuals will be candid about their sexuality; others may distort, suppress, or even lie outright about their sexual behavior. As a result, we only know from these surveys what a selected sample of people are willing to say about their sexual practices and attitudes.